Even if the intentions of my Facebook post are

Even if the intentions of my Facebook post are misrepresented, I pass it on thinking that it's all because I wrote it wrong. So was today's daytime post. When I saw the comment, I thought, "That's not the meaning I wrote it," but when I read it again, it was something that could be read like that. I was actually frustrated with something else that was hard to say publicly, but I thought it might have been on the post and moved on.

However, reporter Cheon Kwan-yul wrote an article about the reason I was frustrated. So I'd like to add a little thought. In fact, I hesitated several times whether or not to write this article, but I started because I thought it might be necessary to provide information.

First of all, if I mention your concerns, the confusion will not be long. Of course, it will be a mess, but if Han Deok-soo acts as an acting president after the impeachment vote, the National Assembly Speaker, etc. (other than the National Assembly Speaker may also file a civil servant in other positions than the National Assembly Speaker, depending on the case.) If the Constitutional Court Act claims a power dispute and a provisional injunction under Article 65 of the Constitutional Court Act at the same time, it can be settled within two to three days at the earliest. Although there are not many precedents, there will be no problem in proceeding because it is a prestigious method in the law.

The reason why I said I couldn't understand Han Deok-soo during the day didn't mean that he was unfamiliar with his political ability and couldn't keep up. It was like seeing him jump on fire with his back, in the hope of classical expression.

To understand this, let's think from Han Deok-soo's point of view.

For your information, some of you may think, "You shouldn't analyze politics like that," but I'll talk about it again later, so please just follow me if you want to read this.

It's quite complicated, so please consider it and take a look.

First, is there a way for Han Deok-soo to avoid the crime of rebellion? There is no conclusion. This was already clear, if not today's revelation by Kim Yong-hyun.
As if Kim Yong-hyun's disclosure were remarkable today, nothing changed. Due to Article 2 clause 6 of the Martial Law, the Minister of National Defense can propose a declaration to the President "after the Prime Minister" and the fact that Kim Yong-hyun proposed declaring martial law has been confirmed since the beginning of this case. If Han Deok-soo had carried out the process of declaring martial law, it is highly likely that he would have gone through Han Deok-soo during the process of declaring martial law. Even if this is not the case, the position of the Prime Minister has no choice but to be deeply involved in procedures such as declaring martial law. Even if he was not involved in the decision on martial law itself, the President who held the meeting as the Prime Minister (for your information, holds the right to hold the Cabinet meeting. From this point on, it is a violation of Article 12 (1) of the Government Organization Act) Han Deok-soo's status as an important civil war missionary is naturally recognized and in some cases, he may be recognized as the head of the government. Therefore, Han Deok-soo could not get out of the position of an important civil war missionary. Today's press conference of lawyer Kim Yong-hyun confirmed that.

If Han Deok-soo has no legal way to avoid the crime of rebellion, there are two ways he can take: Either this rebellion itself makes it impossible to punish, or it makes the punishment lighter. It's best to go with the former, so let's think about whether there is this way.

There are two ways in which this civil war cannot be punished. Either the Yoon Suk Yeol regime survives, or at least the pro-Yoon person takes the next government, or another way is to move the military again to suppress it by force. The first way is more feasible, so let's examine this possibility first.

If the Constitutional Court properly conducts the impeachment trial of Yoon Suk Yeol, impeachment cannot be avoided. If Han Deok-soo cannot avoid the crime of rebellion, there is no need to say more about the Yoon Suk Yeol. Since the crime of rebellion itself presupposes the purpose of the constitution, if the crime of rebellion is recognized, it is of course recognized as a serious violation of the Constitution. After all, if the Constitutional Court conducts a normal hearing, the impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol cannot be prevented.
But there's a problem with the constitution right now. Only six of the nine justices are appointed. And one or two are likely to be on the Yoon Suk Yeol's side. So I think I should make good use of it.

However, there is a problem. Originally, there was a provision in the Constitutional Court that requires seven or more people to hear the Constitutional Court (Article 23 paragraph 1), but the Constitutional Court has suspended the effect of the provision. It is important to pay attention to this, which is a single-trial system, and the Constitutional Court can suspend or invalidate the law at its own discretion. Please remember this.

In any case, the proceedings cannot be stopped because the effect of this regulation is suspended. Furthermore, we cannot blindly trust the judge, Chin-yoon. There is no conclusion on whether the Constitution can make the decision with six members, but there is no procedure to reverse this if the Constitution decides on its own that it can. Considering the significance of the civil war, if the proceedings continue as they are, there is a very high risk that the Yoon Suk Yeol will be impeached.

However, from the standpoint of Han Deok-soo and the Yoon Suk Yeol, it would be right to use all possible means to influence the Constitutional Court. First of all, if the court blocks the recruitment of judges as much as possible, there is a possibility that the court cannot even decide on six members, and if even one pro-Yoon judge opposes it, the impeachment could be dismissed, so it would be right to do its best to block the recruitment. And it is also important to slow down the process as much as possible. This is to lean on the "pro-Yoon appointment" among the two methods mentioned above, and if Lee Jae-myung is lucky to lose the election first, there could be an opportunity for pro-Yoon appointments among the candidates except Lee Jae-myung. So if it doesn't work, we should at least try to slow the process down. However, the Yoon Suk Yeol should do what he said